The Spanish-American War was a significant
moment for black Americans. The black American community
strongly supported the rebels in Cuba and American
entry into the war, as thirty-three black American
sailors died in the Maine explosion. The most influential
black leader, Booker T. Washington, argued that his
race was ready to fight. War offered them a chance
"to render service to our country that no other
race can", because, unlike whites, they were
"accustomed" to the "peculiar and dangerous
climate" of Cuba. In March 1898, Washington promised
the Secretary of the Navy that war would be answered
by "at least ten thousand loyal, brave, strong
black men in the south who crave an opportunity to
show their loyalty to our land and would gladly take
this method of showing their gratitude for the lives
laid down and the sacrifices made that Blacks might
have their freedom and rights." Black units gained
prestige from their wartime performance in Cuba (and
later in the Philippines). One prejuiced white lieutenant
serving in the black Ninth Infantry confessed to a
change of heart after witnessing the 24th Infantry's
charge up San Juan Hill:
Do you know, I shouldn't want anything better
than to have a company in a Negro regiment? I am
from Virginia,
and have always had the usual feeling about commanding
colored troops. But after seeing that charge of
the Twenty-
Fourth up the San Juan Hill, I should like the best
in the world to have a Negro company. They went
up that incline
yelling and shouting just as I used to hear when
they were hunting rabbits in Virginia. The Spanish
bullets only made
them wilder to reach the trenches.
Other White officers and news reports offered similar
praise. A Lieutenant Roberts, shot in the abdomen,
later said:
The heroic charge of the Tenth Cavalry saved
the Rough Riders from destruction; and, had it not
been for the Tenth
Cavalry, the Rough Riders would never have passed
through the seething cauldron of Spanish missiles."
When Colonel Theodore Roosevelt returned from the
command of the famous Rough Riders, he delivered a
farewell address to his men, in which he made the
following kind reference to the gallant Negro soldiers:
Now, I want to say just a word more to some
of the men I see standing around not of your number.
I refer to the colored regiments, who occupied the
right and left flanks of us at Guásimas,
the Ninth and Tenth cavalry regiments. The Spaniards
called them 'Smoked Yankees,' but we found them
to be an excellent breed of Yankees. I am sure that
I speak the sentiments of officers and men in the
assemblage when I say that between you and the other
cavalry regiments there exists a tie which we trust
will never be broken.
Unfortunately, these heroes of Cuba returned home
to discrimination, segregation, and even a revision
of the importance of their contribution from Roosevelt
himself. In 1899, writing for Scribner's magazine
in an act of self-promotion, revised his earlier comments
to criticize the performance of African Americans
in the taking of San Juan Hill. He wrote that they
were "peculiarly dependent on their white officers,"
and that they ran when encountering heavy enemy fire.
Only when he threatened to shoot them, Roosevelt said,
did they return to the line. |
In February of 1898, the recovered bodies of sailors
who died on the American Battleship Maine were
interred in the Colon Cemetery, Havana. Some injured
sailors were sent to hospitals in Havana and Key West.
Those who died in hospitals were buried in Key West.
In December of 1899 the bodies in Havana were disinterred
and brought back to the United States for burial at
Arlington National Cemetery. The burial site also features
A memorial to those who died, including the ship's anchor
and main mast. Some bodies were never recovered and
the crewmen buried in Key West remain there under a
statue of a U. S. sailor holding an oar. There is also
a memorial, consisting of the shield and scrollwork
from the bow of the ship, in Bangor, Maine. Shells from
the main battery were placed along with small plaques
as memorials at the Soldier's Home in Marion, Indiana
(now a VA Hospital and national cemetery) and at the
St. Joseph County Courthouse lawn in South Bend, Indiana.
A shell from the main battery is located just inside
of the Pine St. entrance of city hall in Lewiston, Maine.
The explosion-bent fore mast of the Maine is located
at the United States Naval Academy at Annapolis, Maryland.
On August 5, 1910, Congress authorized the raising
of the Maine to remove it as a navigation hazard
in Havana Harbor. On February 2, 1912, she was refloated
under supervision of the Army Corps of Engineers and
towed out to sea where she was sunk in deep water
in the Gulf of Mexico on March 16, 1912, with appropriate
military honors and ceremonies.
In 1914, one of the Maines six anchors
was taken from the Washington Navy Yard to City Park
in Reading, Pa., and dedicated during a ceremony presided
over by Franklin Roosevelt, who was then assistant
Secretary of the Navy. The ceremony commemorated those
who died in the explosion. |
Because of the uproar the sinking of the Maine caused in the United States, President McKinley demanded
an immediate investigation into the cause of the explosions.
A U.S. Naval Court of Inquiry arrived in Havana and
began its investigation. Survivors and eyewitnesses
testified for the court, and several navy divers explored
the sunken ship, hoping to find clues as to what may
have caused the disaster. All parties involved concluded
without a doubt that the explosion of the forward
six-inch ammunition magazines had caused the sinking.
Why those magazines had exploded, no one could determine
conclusively, and doubt remains as to the exact cause
to this day. There have been four major investigations
into the sinking since 1898. From the four inquiries,
two hypotheses have emerged: one, that a mine in Havana
Harbor had exploded underneath the battleship, causing
the explosion of the magazines; and two, that spontaneous
combustion of the coal in bunker A16 created a fire
that detonated the nearby magazines.
No one then, or today, disputes the fact that the
overall destruction of the ship was due to the explosion
of some of her magazines. What caused the magazines
to explode, however, has been debated since the day
the ship sank. Some evidence suggests that the initiating
cause of the magazine explosion was an external explosion.
The hypothesis that a mine, allegedly planted by the
Spanish as a way to deter the efforts of the United
States to take Cuba, is the assumption that some Americans
came to immediately after the sinking. This also provided
the stimulus for war that many Americans had been
seeking, though the McKinley administration rejected
that line of thinking.
If there were a mine, was it exploded by accident,
by Cuban insurgents, by an insubordinate Spaniard,
or by Spanish authorities acting under orders? The
last possibility is least likely because no testimony
or documentation or specific accusation has ever been
found. The mine could have been placed to defend the
harbor and unintentionally drifted to where the Maine was moored. Alternatively, the mine could have been
used by Cuban rebels in the hopes that the attack
on the Maine would be blamed on the Spanish
and so trigger a war between the United States and
Spain.
Some, but not all, of the witnesses stated that they
heard two distinct explosions several seconds apart.
They believed if anything else besides a mine had
triggered the magazine explosion, then witnesses would
have only heard one blast, because the only explosion
would have been of the magazines, unless all of the
munitions contained in the magazine did not explode
in the primary explosion and instead exploded sequentially
in the resulting fire (which did occur). They thought
the only reason that two explosions would have been
heard was if something besides the magazine had exploded,
such as a mine. However, due to the difference in
the speed of sound through water and through air,
some witnesses may have sensed a single explosion
twice - first shock through the water, followed by
the airborne sound of the blast.
Another piece of evidence of an external mine were
the observations of divers who examined the bottom
plates of the Maine. Three bottom plates were
bent inward. If an internal explosion had occurred,
the bottom plates, they thought, would have been bent
outward, away from the explosion, and an external
blast would have blown the plates inward, consistent
with the evidence. Also, a large hole was noticed
on the floor of Havana harbor, and was presumed from
the theorized external explosion. Although, it could
be argued that an explosion of the magnitude caused
by the Maine's magazines could also have put
a hole in the harbor floor.
Nevertheless, problems with the external mine theory
remained. One was the absence of dead fish in Havana
harbor the next day. Assuming that fish lived in the
polluted waters of the harbor, many of them should
have been killed if a mine exploded in their habitat,
but no one reported seeing any floating in the harbor.
Second, no one reported seeing a jet of water thrown
up during the event. If the initial blast was from
a mine, a common sight when mines explode underwater
is a column of water emerging on the surface above
them. Third, some contemporaneous experts believed
that the few bottom plates found to be bent inward
could be just as plausibly explained by the physical
forces acting on the sinking ship, and thus did not
necessarily indicate an explosion external to the
ship.
Since the time of the explosion in 1898, many have
advocated the theory that an internal explosion had
sunk the Maine, basing their conclusion on
the coal bunker fire theory. Supporters of this theory
believe that spontaneous combustion of the coal in
bunker A16 created a fire that detonated the nearby
magazines, which shared a common uninsulated steel
wall with bunker A16.
Spontaneous combustion of coal was a fairly frequent
problem on ships built after the American Civil War.
This type of fire occurs when the surface of freshly
broken coal is exposed to air. The coal surface oxidizes,
producing heat. When the coal reaches a temperature
of about 750-800 °F (400-425 °C), the coal
will begin to burn. The heat from the fire could have
transferred to the magazines, which would have triggered
the explosion. And in fact, during the Spanish-American
War several ships sustained damage when the bituminous
coal in their bunkers ignited. These fires were difficult
to detect because they could smolder for hours at
low heat, giving off no smoke or flame or raising
the temperature high enough to trigger the alarm systems
on board.
Reports indicate that bunker A16 on the Maine had been inspected for the final time on February
15 at 8:00AM. This would have allowed ample time for
a coal bunker fire to smolder and cause the type of
disaster that befell the ship later. Still, when bunker
A16 was inspected that morning, the reported temperature
was only 59 degrees Fahrenheit, and the Maine's temperature
sensor system did not indicate any dangerous rise
in temperature later. Furthermore, the discipline
on the Maine was reported to be excellent,
and regular inspections of coal bunkers for hazards,
as well as the implementation of precautions for preventing
bunker fires, were diligently carried out under the
supervision of the ship's cautious executive officer
Richard Wainwright. Plus the likeliness of a spontaneous
ignition of coal decreases over time, the older it
is, the less likely it will self ignite. On USS Maine,
the coal had been exposed to the air for a period
of two months. It is more than double the amount of
time recommended by the US Navy. Also the type of
coal used on board USS Maine was known as Low-Volatile
bituminous coal, it was not known to self ignite.
These idiosyncrasies have given rise - then and now
- to debate over the coal bunker fire arguments
legitimacy.
Immediately after the sinking in 1898, President William
McKinley ordered a naval inquiry into what caused
the Maine to explode. This 1898 Court of Inquiry
headed by Captain William T. Sampson began its work
on February 21. Survivors and eyewitnesses testified
for the court, and several navy divers explored the
sunken ship, hoping to find clues as to what may have
caused the disaster. Though several volunteered, no
experts outside the Navy were called upon for advice.
The Sampson Board concluded that the Maine had been
blown up by a mine, which in turn caused the explosion
of her forward magazines. The official report from
the board, which was presented to the Navy Department
in Washington on March 25, specifically stated that,
The court has been unable to obtain evidence
fixing the responsibility for the destruction of the
Maine upon any person or persons. This, of course,
did not stop the U.S. from pinning the destruction
on the Spanish, and war was declared one month later.
Ever since the ship sank, doubts about the validity
of the Navy's 1898 and 1911 findings have been expressed
by historians and scientists.
By 1908, the war drums had long stopped beating, and
many parties demanded that the Maine be raised from
Havana harbor. Cuban officials became worried about
the safety of having a sunken ship in their harbor,
U.S. officials wanted the remains of the sailors trapped
in the wreck recovered and buried, and a few people
wanted to confirm the cause of the sinking. Begun
in December 1910, a huge waterproof cofferdam was
built around the wreck and water was pumped out, finally
exposing the wreck by late summer 1911. Sections of
the hull of the Maine were numbered, many photographs
were taken, and models of the Maine and her wreckage
were built by the single Navy employee assigned to
the job in Havana. Except for many souvenir items
retained by the Navy and frequently distributed to
the public, most of the tangled wreckage was dumped
into the sea off the coast of Cuba. Between November
20 and December 2, 1911 a court of inquiry headed
by Rear Admiral Charles E. Vreeland visited the wreck.
The conclusions of the Vreeland Board differed with
the Sampson Board only in detail. The Vreeland Board
agreed that the explosion of the magazines was triggered
by an external blast, but the damage to the Maine
was much more extensive than the Sampson Board had
thought. It was also concluded that the initiating
blast occurred further aft on the ship, and a lower
powered explosive breached the hull than was originally
thought. After the investigation, the newly located
dead were buried in Arlington National Cemetery and
the hollow, intact portion of the hull of the Maine
was refloated and ceremoniously scuttled at sea on
March 16, 1912.
The argument was not touched for another half a century,
until a private investigation in 1976 was triggered
by Admiral Hyman G. Rickover after he read a newspaper
article on the sinking. He and several scientists
from the U.S. Navy launched an investigation based
on the evidence collected during the two Courts of
Inquiry. Rickover believed that the new knowledge
collected since World War II on analyzing ships damaged
by internal and external explosions would shed new
light on the sinking of the Maine. The Rickover analysis
came to a completely different conclusion than the
Courts of Inquiry. Rickover found that the cause of
the explosion did not originate outside the ship.
The cause of the explosion originated within the ship,
but what actually happened could not be precisely
determined. Rickover believed that the most likely
cause was a fire within a coal bunker, which had heated
the magazines to the point of explosion. His 170-page
book, How the Battleship Maine Was Destroyed, was
first published in 1976. The world accepted this new
conclusion, and for more than a quarter of a century,
the coal bunker fire theory reigned over the external
mine theory.
In 1999, to commemorate the centennial of the sinking
of the Maine, National Geographic Magazine commissioned
an analysis by Advanced Marine Enterprises, using
computer modeling that was not available for previous
investigations. The AME analysis examined both theories
and concluded that it appears more probable
than was previously concluded that a mine caused the
inward bent bottom structure and the detonation of
the magazines. Some experts, including Admiral
Rickovers team and several analysts at AME,
do not agree with the conclusion, and the fury over
new findings even spurred a heated 90-minute debate
at the 124th annual meeting of the U.S. Naval Institute.
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