Franklin
D. Roosevelt's "Quarantine" Speech, Chicago,
October 5, 1937 (11:28)
[title]
Background:
By the time Roosevelt was re-elected in 1936, events
had transpired around the world that would soon
shift focus away from domestic programs. In early
1937 Roosevelt travelled by sea to Buenos Aires,
Argentina, to attend a special Inter-American Conference
for Peace, where he warned that non-American nations
proposing to commit acts of aggression against
us will find a hemisphere wholly prepared to consult
together for our mutual safety and our mutual good.
Less than a year later, following the renewal of
Japanese attacks on China, Roosevelt in a dramatic
speech in Chicago proposed that a quarantine be
placed on aggressor nations. Chiefly because of
the lack of enthusiasm of Secretary Hull and the
British, nothing came directly out of this proposal.
However, it was a significant speech because it
displayed Roosevelts long-held belief in a
system of collective security. Soon afterward, the
president requested a billion-dollar appropriation
for naval expansion, and then almost at once he
asked for even more. Congress obliged, and the defense
build-up was under way.
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Transcript:
I am glad to come once again to Chicago
and especially to have the opportunity of
taking part in the dedication of this important
project of civic betterment.
On my trip across the continent and back
I have been shown many evidences of the
result of common sense cooperation between
municipalities and the Federal government,
and I have been greeted by tens of thousands
of Americans who have told me in every look
and word that their material and spiritual
well-being has made great strides forward
in the past few years.
And yet, as I have
seen with my own eyes, the prosperous farms,
the thriving factories and the busy railroads
- as I have seen the happiness and security
and peace which covers our wide land, almost
inevitably I have been compelled to contrast
our peace with very different scenes being
enacted in other parts of the world.
It is because the
people of the United States under modern
conditions must, for the sake of their own
future, give thought to the rest of the
world, that I, as the responsible executive
head of the nation, have chosen this great
inland city and this gala occasion to speak
to you on a subject of definite national
importance.
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The political situation
in the world, which of late has been growing
progressively worse, is such as to cause
grave concern and anxiety to all the peoples
and nations who wish to live in peace and
amity with their neighbors.
Some 15 years ago
the hopes of mankind for a continuing era
of international peace were raised to great
heights when more than 60 nations solemnly
pledged themselves not to resort to arms
in furtherance of their national aims and
policies. The high aspirations expressed
in the Briand-Kellogg Pact and the hopes
for peace thus raised have of late given
way to a haunting fear of calamity. The
present reign of terror and international
lawlessness began a few years ago.
It began through
unjustified interference in the internal
affairs of other nations or the invasion
of alien territory in violation of treaties.
It has now reached the stage where the very
foundations of civilization are seriously
threatened. The landmarks, the traditions
which have marked the progress of civilization
toward a condition of law and order and
justice are being wiped away.
Without a declaration
of war and without warning or justification
of any kind, civilians, including vast numbers
of women and children, are being ruthlessly
murdered with bombs from the air. In times
of so-called peace, ships are being attacked
and sunk by submarines without cause or
notice. Nations are fomenting and taking
sides in civil warfare in nations that have
never done them any harm. Nations claiming
freedom for themselves deny it to others.
Innocent peoples,
innocent nations are being cruelly sacrificed
to a greed for power and supremacy which
is devoid of all sense of justice and humane
considerations.
To paraphrase a recent
author, "perhaps we foresee a time
when men, exultant in the technique of homicide,
will rage so hotly over the world that every
precious thing will be in danger, every
book, every picture, every harmony, every
treasure garnered through two millenniums,
the small, the delicate, the defenseless
- all will be lost or wrecked or utterly
destroyed.
If those things come
to pass in other parts of the world, let
no one imagine that America will escape,
that America may expect mercy, that this
Western hemisphere will not be attacked
and that it will continue tranquilly and
peacefully to carry on the ethics and the
arts of civilization.
No, if those days
come, "there will be no safety by arms,
no help from authority, no answer in science.
The storm will rage until every flower of
culture is trampled and all human beings
are leveled in a vast chaos."
If those days are
not to come to pass - if we are to have
a world in which we can breathe freely and
live in amity without fear - then the peace-loving
nations must make a concerted effort to
uphold laws and principles on which alone
peace can rest secure. [1]
The peace-loving
nations must make a concerted effort in opposition
to those violations of treaties and those
ignorings of human instincts which today are
creating a state of international anarchy
and instability from which there is no escape
through mere isolation or neutrality.
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Those
who cherish their freedom and recognize and
respect the equal rights of their neighbors
to be free and live in peace, must work together
for the triumph of law and moral principles
in order that peace, justice, and confidence
may prevail throughout the world. There must
be a return to a belief in the pledged word,
in the value of a signed treaty. There must
be recognition of the fact that national morality
is as vital as private morality. [2]
A bishop wrote me
the other day: "It seems to me that
something greatly needs to be said in behalf
of ordinary humanity against the present
practice of carrying the horrors of war
to helpless civilians, especially women
and children. It may be that such a protest
might be regarded by many, who claim to
be realists, as futile, but may it not be
that the heart of mankind is so filled with
horror at the present needless suffering
that that force could be mobilized in sufficient
volume to lessen such cruelty in the days
ahead. Even though it may take 20 years,
which God forbid, for civilization to make
effective its corporate protest against
this barbarism, surely strong voices may
hasten the day."
There is a solidarity
and interdependence about the modern world,
both technically and morally, which makes
it impossible for any nation completely
to isolate itself from economic and political
upheavals in the rest of the world, especially
when such upheavals appear to be spreading
and not declining. There can be no stability
or peace either within nations or between
nations except under laws and moral standards
adhered to by all. International anarchy
destroys every foundation for peace. It
jeopardizes either the immediate or the
future security of every nation, large or
small. It is, therefore, a matter of vital
interest and concern to the people of the
United States that the sanctity of international
treaties and the maintenance of international
morality be restored.
The overwhelming
majority of the peoples and nations of the
world today want to live in peace. They
seek the removal of barriers against trade.
They want to exert themselves in industry,
in agriculture and in business, that they
may increase their wealth through the production
of wealth-producing goods rather than striving
to produce military planes and bombs and
machine guns and cannon for the destruction
of human lives and useful property.
In those nations
of the world which seem to be piling armament
on armament for purposes of aggression,
and those other nations which fear acts
of aggression against them and their security,
a very high proportion of their national
income is being spent directly for armaments.
It runs from 30 to as high as 50 per cent.
The proportion that we in the United States
spend is far less - 11 or 12 per cent.
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How happy we are
that the circumstances of the moment permit
us to put our money into bridges and boulevards,
dams and reforestation, the conservation
of our soil, and many other kinds of useful
works rather than into huge standing armies
and vast supplies of implements of war.
Nevertheless, my
friends, I am compelled, as you are compelled,
to look ahead. The peace, the freedom, and
the security of 90 per cent of the population
of the world is being jeopardized by the
remaining 10 per cent who are threatening
a breakdown of all international order and
law. Surely the 90 per cent who want to
live in peace under law and in accordance
with moral standards that have received
almost universal acceptance through the
centuries, can and must find some way to
make their will prevail. [3]
The situation is
definitely of universal concern. The questions
involved relate not merely to violations
of specific provisions of particular treaties;
they are questions of war and of peace,
of international law and especially of principles
of humanity. It is true that they involve
definite violations of agreements, and especially
of the Covenant of the League of Nations,
the Briand-Kellogg Pact and the Nine Power
Treaty. But they also involve problems of
world economy, world security and world
humanity.
It is true that the
moral consciousness of the world must recognize
the importance of removing injustices and
well-founded grievances; but at the same
time it must be aroused to the cardinal
necessity of honoring sanctity of treaties,
of respecting the rights and liberties of
others and of putting an end to acts of
international aggression.
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It seems to be unfortunately
true that the epidemic of world lawlessness
is spreading.
And mark this well:
When an epidemic of physical disease starts
to spread, the community approves and joins
in a quarantine of the patients in order
to protect the health of the community against
the spread of the disease.
It is my determination
to pursue a policy of peace and to adopt
every practicable measure to avoid involvement
in war. It ought to be inconceivable that
in this modern era, and in the face of experience,
any nation could be so foolish and ruthless
as to run the risk of plunging the whole
world into war by invading and violating,
in contravention of solemn treaties, the
territory of other nations that have done
them no real harm and which are too weak
to protect themselves adequately. Yet the
peace of the world and the welfare and security
of every nation including our own, is today
being threatened by that very thing.
No nation which refuses
to exercise forbearance and to respect the
freedom and the rights of others can long
remain strong and retain the confidence
and respect of other nations. No nation
ever loses its dignity or its good standing
by conciliating its differences, and by
exercising great patience with, and consideration
for, the rights of other nations.
War is a contagion,
whether it be declared or undeclared. It
can engulf states and peoples remote from
the original scene of hostilities. Yes,
we are determined to keep out of war, yet
we cannot insure ourselves against the disastrous
effects of war and the dangers of involvement.
We are adopting such measures as will minimize
our risk of involvement, but we cannot have
complete protection in a world of disorder
in which confidence and security have broken
down.
If civilization is
to survive, the principles of the Prince
of Peace must be restored. Shattered trust
between nations must be revived.
Most important of
all, the will for peace on the part of peace-loving
nations must express itself to the end that
nations that may be tempted to violate their
agreements and the rights of others will
desist from such a course. There must be
positive endeavors to preserve peace. America
hates war. America hopes for peace. Therefore,
America actively engages in the search for
peace. [4]