The great fundamental issue
now before our people can be stated briefly. It is,
"Are the American people fit to govern themselves,
to rule themselves, to control themselves?" I
believe they are; my opponents do not. I believe in
the right of the people to rule. I believe that the
majority of the plain people of the United States
will, day in and day out, make fewer mistakes in governing
themselves than any smaller class or body of men,
no matter what their training, will make in trying
to govern them. I believe, again, that the American
people are, as a whole, capable of self-control, and
of learning by their mistakes. Our opponents pay lip-loyalty
to this doctrine, but they show their real beliefs
by the way in which they champion every device to
make the nominal rule of the people a sham. I am not
leading this fight as a matter of aesthetic pleasure.
I am leading because somebody must lead, or else the
fight would not be made at all. I prefer to work with
moderate, with rational-conservatives, provided only
that they do in good faith strive forward towards
the light. But when they halt and turn their backs
to the light, and sit with the scorners on the seats
of reaction, then I must part company with them. We
the people cannot turn back. Our aim must be steady,
wise progress.
It would be well if all people
would study the history of a sister republic. All
the woes of France for a century and a quarter have
been due to the folly of her people in splitting into
two camps of unreasonable conservatism and unreasonable
radicalism. Had pre- Revolutionary France listened
to men like Turgot, and backed them up, all would
have gone well. But the beneficiaries of privilege,
the Bourbon reactionaries, the shortsighted ultra-conservatives,
turned down Turgot and then found that instead of
him they had obtained Robespierre. They gained twenty
years freedom from all restraint and reform, at the
cost of the whirlwind of the "red terror"
and in their turn the unbridled extremists of the
terror induced a blind reaction. And so, with convulsion
and oscillation from one extreme to another, with
alternations of violent radicalism and violent Bourbonism,
the French people went through misery toward a shattered
goal. May we profit from the experiences of our fellow
republicans across the water, and go forward steadily,
avoiding all wild extremes; and may our ultra-conservatives
remember that the rule of the Bourbons brought on
the Revolution, and may our would-be revolutionaries
remember that no Bourbon was ever such a dangerous
enemy of the people and their freedom as the professed
friend of both, Robespierre.
There is no danger of a revolution
in this country; but there is grave discontent and
unrest, and in order to remove them there is need
of all the wisdom and probity and deep- seated faith
in and purpose to uplift humanity we have at our command.
Friends, our task as Americans is to strive for social
and industrial justice, achieved through the genuine
rule of the people. This is our end, our purpose.
The methods for achieving the end are merely expedients,
to be finally accepted or rejected, according as actual
experience shows that they work well or ill. But in
our hearts we must have this lofty purpose, and strive
for it in all earnestness and sincerity, or our work
will come to nothing. In order to succeed we need
leaders of inspired idealism, leaders to whom are
granted great visions, who dream greatly and strive
to make their dreams come true; who can kindle the
people with the fire from their own burning souls.
The leader for the time being, whoever he may be,
is but an instrument, to be used until broken and
then to be cast aside; and if he is worth his salt
he will care no more when he is broken than a soldier
cares where he is sent, where his life is proffered
in order that the victory may be won. In the long
fight for righteousness the watchword for all of us
is "spend and be spent."
Biography:
With the assassination of President
McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt, not quite 43, became
the youngest President in the Nation's history. He
brought new excitement and power to the Presidency,
as he vigorously led Congress and the American public
toward progressive reforms and a strong foreign policy.
He took the view that the President
as a "steward of the people" should take
whatever action necessary for the public good unless
expressly forbidden by law or the Constitution."
I did not usurp power," he wrote, "but I
did greatly broaden the use of executive power."
Roosevelt's youth differed
sharply from that of the log cabin Presidents. He
was born in New York City in 1858 into a wealthy family,
but he too struggled--against ill health--and in his
triumph became an advocate of the strenuous life.
In 1884 his first wife, Alice
Lee Roosevelt, and his mother died on the same day.
Roosevelt spent much of the next two years on his
ranch in the Badlands of Dakota Territory. There he
mastered his sorrow as he lived in the saddle, driving
cattle, hunting big game--he even captured an outlaw.
On a visit to London, he married Edith Carow in December
1886.
During the Spanish-American
War, Roosevelt was lieutenant colonel of the Rough
Rider Regiment, which he led on a charge at the battle
of San Juan. He was one of the most conspicuous heroes
of the war.
Boss Tom Platt, needing a hero
to draw attention away from scandals in New York State,
accepted Roosevelt as the Republican candidate for
Governor in 1898. Roosevelt won and served with distinction.
As President, Roosevelt held
the ideal that the Government should be the great
arbiter of the conflicting economic forces in the
Nation, especially between capital and labor, guaranteeing
justice to each and dispensing favors to none.
Roosevelt emerged spectacularly
as a "trust buster" by forcing the dissolution
of a great railroad combination in the Northwest.
Other antitrust suits under the Sherman Act followed.
Roosevelt steered the United
States more actively into world politics. He liked
to quote a favorite proverb, "Speak softly and
carry a big stick. . . . "
Aware of the strategic need
for a shortcut between the Atlantic and Pacific, Roosevelt
ensured the construction of the Panama Canal. His
corollary to the Monroe Doctrine prevented the establishment
of foreign bases in the Caribbean and arrogated the
sole right of intervention in Latin America to the
United States.
He won the Nobel Peace Prize
for mediating the Russo-Japanese War, reached a Gentleman's
Agreement on immigration with Japan, and sent the
Great White Fleet on a goodwill tour of the world.
Some of Theodore Roosevelt's
most effective achievements were in conservation.
He added enormously to the national forests in the
West, reserved lands for public use, and fostered
great irrigation projects.
He crusaded endlessly on matters
big and small, exciting audiences with his high-pitched
voice, jutting jaw, and pounding fist. "The life
of strenuous endeavor" was a must for those around
him, as he romped with his five younger children and
led ambassadors on hikes through Rock Creek Park in
Washington, D.C.
Leaving the Presidency in 1909,
Roosevelt went on an African safari, then jumped back
into politics. In 1912 he ran for President on a Progressive
ticket. To reporters he once remarked that he felt
as fit as a bull moose, the name of his new party.
While campaigning in Milwaukee,
he was shot in the chest by a fanatic. Roosevelt soon
recovered, but his words at that time would have been
applicable at the time of his death in 1919: "No
man has had a happier life than I have led; a happier
life in every way."