Mr. Roosevelt has set high
the standard of business morality and obedience to
law. The Railroad Race Bill was more useful possibly
in the immediate moral effects of its passage than
even the legal effects of its very useful provisions.
From its enactment dates the voluntary abandonment
of the practice of rebates and discriminations to
the railroad and the return by their managers to obedience
to law and the fixing of tariff. The Pure Food and
Meat Inspection Laws and the prosecutions directed
by the President under the anti- trust law have had
a similar moral affect in the general business community
and have made it now the common practice for the great
industrial corporations to consult the law with a
view to keeping within its provision. It has also
had the effect of protecting and encouraging smaller
competitive companies so that they have been enabled
to do a profitable business. But we should be blind
to the ordinary working of human nature if we did
not recognize that the moral standards set by President
Roosevelt will not continue to be observed by those
whom cupidity and the desire for financial power may
tempt, unless the requisite machinery is introduced
into the law which shall in its practical operation
maintain these standards and secure the country against
the departure from them. The chief function of the
next administration in my judgment is distinct from,
and a progressive development of, that which has been
performed by President Roosevelt. The chief function
of the next administration is to complete and perfect
the machinery by which these standards may be maintained,
by which the lawbreakers may be promptly restrained
and punished, but which shall operate with sufficient
accuracy and dispatch to interfere with legitimate
business as little as possible. Such machinery is
not now adequate. There should be a classification
of that very small percentage of industrial corporations
having power and opportunity to affect illegal restraints
of trade and monopolies and legislation either inducing
or compelling them to subject themselves to registry
and to proper publicity regulations and supervision
of the Department of Commerce and Labor. The field
covered by the industrial combinations and by the
railroads is so very extensive that the interests
of the public and the interests of the businesses
concerned cannot be properly subserved except by reorganization
of bureaus in the Department of Commerce and Labor,
of Agriculture, and the Department of Justice, and
a change in the jurisdiction of the Interstate Commerce
Commission. It does not assist matters to prescribe
new duties for the Interstate Commerce Commission
which is as practically impossible for it to perform
or to denounce new offences with drastic punishment
unless subordinate and ancillary legislation shall
be passed making possible the quick enforcement in
the great variety of cases which are constantly arising
of the principles laid down by Mr. Roosevelt and with
respect to which only typical instances of prosecution
with the present machinery are possible. Such legislation
should and would greatly promote legitimate business
by enabling those anxious to obey the federal statute
to know just what are the bounds of their lawful action.
The practical constructive and difficult work, therefore,
of those who follow Mr. Roosevelt is to devise the
ways and means by which the high level of business
integrity and obedience to law which he has established
may be maintained and departures from it restrained
without undue interference with legitimate business.
Biography:
Distinguished jurist, effective
administrator, but poor politician, William Howard
Taft spent four uncomfortable years in the White House.
Large, jovial, conscientious, he was caught in the
intense battles between Progressives and conservatives,
and got scant credit for the achievements of his administration.
Born in 1857, the son of a
distinguished judge, he was graduated from Yale, and
returned to Cincinnati to study and practice law.
He rose in politics through Republican judiciary appointments,
through his own competence and availability, and because,
as he once wrote facetiously, he always had his "plate
the right side up when offices were falling."
But Taft much preferred law
to politics. He was appointed a Federal circuit judge
at 34. He aspired to be a member of the Supreme Court,
but his wife, Helen Herron Taft, held other ambitions
for him.
His route to the White House
was via administrative posts. President McKinley sent
him to the Philippines in 1900 as chief civil administrator.
Sympathetic toward the Filipinos, he improved the
economy, built roads and schools, and gave the people
at least some participation in government.
President Roosevelt made him
Secretary of War, and by 1907 had decided that Taft
should be his successor. The Republican Convention
nominated him the next year.
Taft disliked the campaign--"one
of the most uncomfortable four months of my life."
But he pledged his loyalty to the Roosevelt program,
popular in the West, while his brother Charles reassured
eastern Republicans. William Jennings Bryan, running
on the Democratic ticket for a third time, complained
that he was having to oppose two candidates, a western
progressive Taft and an eastern conservative Taft.
Progressives were pleased with
Taft's election. "Roosevelt has cut enough hay,"
they said; "Taft is the man to put it into the
barn." Conservatives were delighted to be rid
of Roosevelt--the "mad messiah."
Taft recognized that his techniques
would differ from those of his predecessor. Unlike
Roosevelt, Taft did not believe in the stretching
of Presidential powers. He once commented that Roosevelt
"ought more often to have admitted the legal
way of reaching the same ends."
Taft alienated many liberal
Republicans who later formed the Progressive Party,
by defending the Payne-Aldrich Act which unexpectedly
continued high tariff rates. A trade agreement with
Canada, which Taft pushed through Congress, would
have pleased eastern advocates of a low tariff, but
the Canadians rejected it. He further antagonized
Progressives by upholding his Secretary of the Interior,
accused of failing to carry out Roosevelt's conservation
policies.
In the angry Progressive onslaught
against him, little attention was paid to the fact
that his administration initiated 80 antitrust suits
and that Congress submitted to the states amendments
for a Federal income tax and the direct election of
Senators. A postal savings system was established,
and the Interstate Commerce Commission was directed
to set railroad rates.
In 1912, when the Republicans
renominated Taft, Roosevelt bolted the party to lead
the Progressives, thus guaranteeing the election of
Woodrow Wilson.
Taft, free of the Presidency,
served as Professor of Law at Yale until President
Harding made him Chief Justice of the United States,
a position he held until just before his death in
1930. To Taft, the appointment was his greatest honor;
he wrote: "I don't remember that I ever was President."